Saturday 30 August 2014

Can happiness and well-being research play a meaningful role in a design of a public policy?

As a whole, the public policy process is multi-layered. In a recent ONS publication “Measuring Subjective Wellbeing for Public Policy (2011) the authors argue that: “In order for any account of wellbeing to be useful in policy, it must satisfy three general conditions. It must be: a) theoretically rigorous, b) policy relevant and c) empirically robust.  In other words any policy promoting well-being and happiness needs to conceptualise the policy aims (for example happiness) and contextualise the aim(s) in a theoretically rigorous manner

For example, any policy that is designed to improve children and young peoples well-being needs to consider developmental theories and concepts of child and childhood alongside the policy aims. It’s also essential that theories of policy process itself are also taken into consideration.  In any public policy process high number of stakeholders are involved. All stakeholders need to be taken into consideration in the process.  For example, children’s participation in policy design process can be argued from a number of perspectives. A Children’s Right campaigner might point out that in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) (UNCRC), Article 12 states that: “State parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child. Could a child development specialist argue that involving young people through participation would support children’s development?

The ONS (2011) report argues for the need for the policy to be relevant, saying: “By policy relevant, we mean that the account of wellbeing must be politically and socially acceptable and also well understood in policy circles.” This statement is very general and gives very little practical advice on designing a policy. Political opinions and arguments change depending on who is in the positions of power and ‘socially acceptable’ can also be quite hard to define. For a policy to be relevant it needs to be successful in terms of achieving its aims to serve the people for whom it has been designed. Any policy needs to enhance peoples desire to live their life in a way that enables them to reach their full potential.

The third corner stone of prompting wellbeing according to ONS (2011) is that it needs to be empirically robust. The ONS report (2011) outlines how to achieve this by stating:  “… empirically rigorous, we mean that the account of wellbeing can be measured in a quantitative way that suggests that it is reliable and valid as an account of wellbeing”. This statement from ONS reflects the tradition of valuing quantitative data over qualitative when organising and presenting data.  However, the same ONS (2011) document points out  that: “Subjective well-being  is beginning to be used to monitor progress and to inform policy…” This provides further evidence of the current trend of valuing subjective measures of well-being.
It might be that subjective well-being measures alone are not sufficient and that research process needs to remain open minded allowing a number of methods to be considered and used.  


As a conclusion well-being and happiness research can play a meaningful role in policy design. This can be achieved by first conceptualising well-being and happiness and then developing conceptualisations that are relevant and sensitive to local context. This can be achieved by involving all interest groups and stakeholders in the process.  

Friday 29 August 2014

Onnellisuuden seuranta

Jos  onnellisuuden kokemuksien seuraaminen ja mittaaminen koetaan tärkeäksi on varmasti järkevää kysyä ketkä kokevat elämänsä onnelliseksi.  Onnellisuus ja hyvinvointi ovat käsitteitä joilla on selviä eroja ja merkittäviä yhtäläisyyksiä. Tunteena onni on luonteeltaan yksityisempi  ja tilapäisempi ja sitä on hyvin vaikea purkittaa.  Tuottaako mitään lisäarvoa "seurata" mitä ihminen sitten ajattelee elämästään? Stiglitz komission (2009) raportissa todetaan, että "Pitkä filosofinen perinne näkee yksilön parhaana arvioimaan omaa hyvinvointiaan ja onnellisuuttaan. Tämä lähestymistapa liittyy läheisesti utilitaristiseen perinteeseen, mutta on laajemminkin suosittu näkökulma antiikin ja modernin kulttuurin alalla, joissa ihmisen universaalina olemassaolon päämääränä on olla onnellinen  ja tyytyväinen.” Näyttää siltä, ​​että nykyinen suuntaus onnen ja hyvinvoinnin tutkimuksessa on sopusoinnussa Stiglitzin komission näkemysten kanssa.  

Viime vuosina onnellisuuden ja hyvinvoinnin tutkimus on kasvanut  ja lukuisia artikkeleita,  jotka käsittelevät  erityisesti subjektiivista hyvinvointia on julkaistu.  Esimerkiksi alan tutkimukselle omistetussa  ‘Journal of Happiness Studies” lehdessä on julkaistu monia tutkimusartikkeleita subjektiivisen  hyvinvoinnin ja onnellissuden aiheista. (Http://www.springer.com/social+sciences/well-being/journal/10902) Subjektiivisella hyvinvoinnilla on  tällä hetkellä suuri rooli hyvinvoinnin tutkimuksen parissa, mutta voiko hyvinvointia ja onnellisuutta pitää ihmisen perusoikeuksina? Onko meillä oikeus onneen?

Wednesday 27 August 2014

Hyvinvoinnin mittarit

Hyvinvointi jaetaan perinteisesti kahteen pääryhmään; objektiiviseen ja subjektiiviseen hyvinvointiin. Objektiivisella hyvinvoinnilla tarkoitetaan määrällisesti mitattavissa olevia inhimillisen elämän alueita kuten eliniänodotetta, koulutustasoa, terveyttä ja aineellista hyvinvointia. Näitä objektiivisia indikaattoreita käytetään kun hyvinvointia verrataan eri yhteisöjen ja  kansojen välillä.  Esimerkiksi UNICEF (2007) raporttissa: " An Overview of Child Well-being in Rich Countries‘ hahmotellaan kuusi hyvinvoinnin osa-aluetta,  joista viisi on objektiivisia ulottuvuuksia, kuten vaurauden ja terveyden indikaattoreita. Subjektiivisella hyvinvoinnilla tarkoitetaan  yksinkertaisesti menetelmää, jossa  henkilöitä pyydetään  arvioimaan miten hyväksi he kokevat elämänsä. Subjektiivisen hyvinvoinnin mittaamisesta on tullut erittäin suosittua viime vuosina. Objektiivisia indikaattoreita on kritisoitu riittämättöminä, koska ne eivät sisällä yksilöiden omaa arviota heidän omasta hyvinvoinnin kokemuksestaan.  Monet tutkimukset osoittavat merkittävää yhteyttä vaurauden ja onnen välillä. Toisaalta Stiglitzin komission (2009) raportissa huomautetaan, että vaikka  yhteys aineellisen hyvinvoinnin ja onnellisuuden välillä  on todettu, tämä yhteys heikkenee huomattavasti kun tietty varallisuudentaso on saavutettu.

Subjektiivinen hyvinvointi on siis henkilöin oma käsitys hänen hyvinvoinnistaan ja onnellisuudestaan. Subjektiivista hyvinvointia ja tunteita on yleensä tutkittu laadullisia tutkimusmenetelmiä käyttäen, kuten  esimerkiksi tutkimushaastatteluja. Subjektiivinen hyvinvointi voidaan nähdä yksilön mielentilana.

Jos siis (ainakin teoriassa)  jokainen ihminen voi olla onnellinen, miten tämä voitaisiin saavuttaa? Objektiivisia hyvinvoinnin indikaattoreita voidaan pitää luonteeltaan pysyvämpinä. Sitä vastoin yksilön oma subjektiivinen (mielentila) hyvinvointi ja onnellisuuskokemus ovat luonteeltaan väliaikaisempia. Mutta kumpi merkitsee lopulta enemmän? Jos kaikki objektiivisesti mitattavissa olevat yksilön hyvinvointia määrittävät tekijät  täyttyvät, henkilö voi yhä kokea itsensä onnettomaksi. Voiko yksilö sitten vaikuttaa siihen, miten he tuntevat ja miten he kokevat onnellisuutta? Ainakin onnellisuuden ja hyvinvoinnin mittaamisessa subjektiivisten ja objektiivisten hyvinvointi indikaattorien yhdistelmä saattaa olla hyödyksi.


Monday 25 August 2014

Tracking individual happiness?


It might be a sensible idea to analyse what makes some people review their lives as a happy life. Happiness and well-being are concepts which have distinct differences and still share significant similarities, therefore making it difficult to separate one from the other. Feelings of happiness are perhaps more private and temporary in nature and therefore hard to capture and conceptualise. Is there any added value of “tracking” how a person feels about their life? The Stiglitz Commission (2009) report argues that:  “A long philosophical tradition views individuals as the best judges of their own conditions. This approach is closely linked to the utilitarian tradition but has a broader appeal due to the strong presumption in many streams of ancient and modern culture that enabling people to be “happy” and “satisfied” with their life is a universal goal of human existence.”
It appears that the current trend in happiness research is in line with the Stiglitz Commission’s argument. In recent years there has been increased academic research in this field and many articles have been written to explore subjective well-being. For example, the interdisciplinary journal devoted to understanding of subjective well-being called ‘Journal of Happiness Studies’ has published many research articles exploring subjective well-being. (http://www.springer.com/social+sciences/well-being/journal/10902) Therefore, subjective well-being indicators are currently playing a big role in well-being research, but can well-being and happiness be seen as basic human rights? Do we have right to be happy? 

Measurable indicators of well-being

Measurable aspects of human well-being are traditionally divided into two main categories; objective and subjective well-being. Objective aspects are typically the quantitatively measurable aspects of human life such as longevity, education, and health and material wealth. These objective indicators are typically used to compare well-being cross the nations. For example the UNICEF (2007) report: ’An Overview of Child Well-being in Rich Countries‘ outlines six well-being domains, five of which are objective dimensions such as wealth and health indicators. In recent years subjective well-being measures (SWB) which simply are based on method of asking individuals how they feel about their life in general have become popular. The SWB measures have became popular in recent years, because traditional objective indicators have been criticized of been insufficient as they do not include individuals subjective sense of well-being. Some research claim significant link between wealth and happiness. In the other hand the: Stiglitz Commission (2009) report points out that the link between material wealth and happiness of nations has been proved to exist, but this link is getting significantly weaker when certain a level of wealth has been reached.
So, can individuals influence the way they feel and how they perceive their happiness? Subjective well-being (SWB) is about individuals own perception of his/her well-being and happiness. Subjective well-being and feelings of happiness are usually researched by using qualitative methods such as interviews. Subjective well-being can be seen as individuals’ psychological state of mind.

If -at least in theory- every human being can be happy, how could this be achieved?   Objective well-being aspects of human life can be seen as more permanent in nature. By contrast, individual’s own subjective perception (state -of-mind) of their well-being and happiness is more temporary in nature. But which one counts more? If all objectively measurable aspects of an individual’s wellbeing are met, the individual might still not perceive him/herself as happy? Combining of both subjective and objective measures of human life might be beneficial when measuring happiness.